Earlier this month, politicians from both political parties gathered to unveil former prime minister Stephen Harper’s portrait on Parliament Hill as Prime Minister Mark Carney paid tribute to his former boss. The “love-in” may surprise some, but it shouldn’t. The relationship between the two men dates back to at least 2007, when Harper appointed Carney as Governor of the Bank of Canada, upon the recommendation of former finance minister Jim Flaherty. Over the course of the crisis that followed the 2008 banking collapse, Carney and Harper worked together to protect Canada from its worst effects and to lay the framework for a recovery. That partnership led Harper to offer Carney the role of finance minister in 2012. Citing a reluctance to enter a political position directly from his role as Bank Governor, Carney declined. The claim, made in an interview with Rosemary Barton of CBC in February of last year, was in response to why he entered the Liberal leadership race after years of shunning political office. “I have been offered positions in the past,” Carney told host Rosemary Barton. “For example, Prime Minister Harper asked me if I would be his finance minister in 2012.” The former central banker then said it “wasn’t appropriate” for him to proceed with the offer because he didn’t feel it would be right to “go directly from being governor into elective politics.” Harper has somewhat denied the specifics of Carney’s claim, but not the intention. What does this relationship mean to Canada in this period of our history, and what does it say about who the Liberals have turned to after a decade of progressive leadership under former prime minister Justin Trudeau? Does Carney’s rise and premiership provide political lessons, and where does it leave Canada in a world facing the continued threats of U.S. President Donald Trump and significant economic uncertainty?
LIBERALS TRANSFORMED
As always, when pressed, the Liberal Party of Canada chooses pragmatic leadership over principle. They did it in 2013 when their shining knight was the scion of their revered deceased leader, Pierre Trudeau. In 2025, after a dozen years of progressive leadership on climate policy, social issues, and economic programs, they turned to a business executive to reverse what had become politically unpopular and financially irresponsible. Liberals have never minded blowing with the prevailing winds. Still, the irony of defaming Harper in 2015 and, a decade later, turning to their own version of Harper stretches the imagination of the most cynical political observers. Did the Liberal hegemony suddenly become business-friendly, resource-developing right-wingers? Not likely, but the object of their affections, Carney, reassembled one, so they adapted because Liberals will morph into whatever keeps them in power. Ironically, most would not admit that Carney resembled Harper’s temperament, that he represented many of Harper’s economic priorities, and that they needed a man of Harper’s heft to oppose Trump. Although not a perfect comparison, Carney and Harper share the same mould. They are serious, intellectually capable leaders who want to address underlying problems and create practical solutions for average citizens.
The ironic development in recent years was the Liberal Party’s effort under Trudeau to demonize Harper, which disappeared when Mark Carney’s star rose. Suddenly, Harper, the Dark Knight, went from indigestible to sweetness and light. Surely, one cannot argue that liberals have come to their senses about financial policies, but it may be safe to suggest that liberals have a penchant for reading the electorate. They noticed the change of mood and, with a Darwinian desire to survive, exchanged the tired Trudeau model for a Carney makeover. The transformation speaks to the Liberal Party’s superpower. They understand their purpose. Win elections, hold and wield power, and use that power to win more elections. Conservatives have never done it as well, and since the beginning of the 20th century, have sat on the opposition benches more often than not. Harper cobbled together minority governments and finally a majority in 2011, winning three successive general elections. Carney hopes to do the same, moving from a minority to a majority in the next election, carrying the banner under which Harper often campaigned, with subtle differences and a red background substituting for blue.
CARNEY’S LEADERSHIP
Many Harper Conservatives view Carney with some suspicion. They see him as a globalist, committed more to the World Economic Forum than to Canada and Canadians. He talks a good game, but his long-term interests with Brookfield raise eyebrows among many on the right because the promises of free trade, economic cooperation, and jobs have fallen flat, leaving many Canadian industries dependent on those in faraway nations. COVID exposed our vulnerabilities, and while many despise Trump, his success speaks to the reality that millions of working people in America felt the squeeze of interrupted supply lines, increased prices, and job insecurity. Does Carney represent the answer to these problems, or does he only complicate them? Undoubtedly, Carney’s unflappable responses to Trump’s exaggerated and sometimes uninformed objections (Gordie Howe Bridge, for one) endear him to his base and to the old progressive-conservative coalition. Like Harper, Carney runs cool enough to sound reasonable, play the role of adult, and never overshoots his aim. This characteristic fits the Trump era. Just as Kipling’s poem “If” suggests keeping one’s head, Carney and Harper seem to be the most level-headed people in any room, from Davos to the House of Commons, even when others lose theirs and point fingers. It wears well and enhances confidence. It brings the seniors a sense of calm and reassurance. By targeting Carney, the Liberals both acknowledged Harper’s success and sought to differentiate themselves from Trudeau.
BEYOND TODAY
Canadians fear Trump because of his intemperate comments and ill-advised threats to Canadians. He would claim he was only sending a message to Canadian leaders, but separating the two becomes difficult even when the leaders are unpopular. Most Canadians perceive Trump as their foremost enemy. Restoring the relationship will demand perseverance, patience, and resilience. At present, the Canadian public has settled on Carney as the best person to lead Canada through tough trade negotiations with Trump. Carney has openly admitted that he consults with Harper on these matters. Last summer, Carney reached out to Harper for his insights. Harper made three: secure a short-term trade deal with the United States, reduce Canada’s reliance on the U.S., and increase defence spending to become “independently responsible” for our own territory. Carney has accepted this advice, though his entreaties to China would not be something Harper recommended.
The steady hand of leadership that defined the Harper era has returned under Carney. Unfortunately, as leader of the Liberal Party of Canada, Carney has interests he must serve and policies he must honour. The Laurentian elite who fill our airwaves, hold positions of academic influence, and litter Parliament Hill don’t want him straying too far from global commitments, international rules of order (see Davos), or entrenched interests at home or abroad. Harper threatened the established hierarchy. Clad in his red robes, Carney embodies the Harper aura, conspicuously omitting the western populism, social conservatism, and free market preferences that were hallmarks of Harper’s political stance. Carney will appease the Laurentians, who accept capitalism mixed with government oversight, a military build-up based on protecting Canadian interests, and a concerted effort to distance itself from Trump and the U.S. while continuing to enhance relations with Europe and NATO. The two men share a common tenor, but whether Carney follows Harper’s advice will largely determine Canada’s future role globally, its national economic independence, and his personal political success at home.
Dave Redekop is a retired elementary resource teacher who worked part-time at the St. Catharines Courthouse as a Registrar until being appointed Executive Director at Redeemer Bible Church in October 2023. He has worked on political campaigns since high school and attended university in South Carolina for five years, earning a Master’s in American History with a specialization in Civil Rights. Dave loves reading biographies.
